{"id":146920,"date":"2022-09-24T01:26:17","date_gmt":"2022-09-24T06:26:17","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog\/2022\/09\/neurophysiological-correlates-of-automatic-integration-of-voice-and-gender-information-during-grammatical-processing"},"modified":"2022-09-24T01:26:17","modified_gmt":"2022-09-24T06:26:17","slug":"neurophysiological-correlates-of-automatic-integration-of-voice-and-gender-information-during-grammatical-processing","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog\/2022\/09\/neurophysiological-correlates-of-automatic-integration-of-voice-and-gender-information-during-grammatical-processing","title":{"rendered":"Neurophysiological correlates of automatic integration of voice and gender information during grammatical processing"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><a class=\"aligncenter blog-photo\" href=\"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog.images\/neurophysiological-correlates-of-automatic-integration-of-voice-and-gender-information-during-grammatical-processing.jpg\"><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Other ERP studies have reported diverse neurophysiological responses to inconsistencies between the message meaning and the speaker\u2019s representation, typically manifest as a modulation of the N400 and\/or P600 components<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" title=\"Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, I., Krauspenhaar, S. & Schlesewsky, M. Yes, you can? A speaker\u2019s potency to act upon his words orchestrates early neural responses to message-level meaning. PLoS ONE 8, e69173 (2013).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR15\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e503\">15<\/a>,<a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" title=\"Lattner, S. & Friederici, A. D. Talker\u2019s voice and gender stereotype in human auditory sentence processing-evidence from event-related brain potentials. Neurosci. Lett. 339191&ndash;194 (2003).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR16\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e503_1\">16<\/a>,<a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 17\" title=\"Van Berkum, J. J., Van den Brink, D., Tesink, C. M., Kos, M. & Hagoort, P. The neural integration of speaker and message. J. Cogn. Neurosci. 20580&ndash;591 (2008).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR17\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e506\">17<\/a><\/sup>. Different patterns of ERP results reported in these studies are likely related to the nature of the mismatch manipulations used. For instance, whereas the P600 component is typically associated with a reanalysis\/repair of syntactic incongruences and grammatical violations<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 18\" title=\"Hagoort, P., Brown, C. & Groothusen, J. The syntactic positive shift (sps) as an erp measure of syntactic processing. Lang. Cogn. Process. 8439&ndash;483 (1993).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR18\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e510\">18<\/a><\/sup>, in experiments modulating the speaker\u2019s voice it can also be elicited by the violations of the stereotypical noun roles in the absence of grammatical incongruencies as such (e.g., \u201c<i>face powder<\/i>\u201d or \u201c<i>fight club<\/i>\u201d, produced by male and female voices, respectively<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 16\" title=\"Lattner, S. & Friederici, A. D. Talker\u2019s voice and gender stereotype in human auditory sentence processing-evidence from event-related brain potentials. Neurosci. Lett. 339191&ndash;194 (2003).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR16\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e520\">16<\/a><\/sup>) as well as the general assumptions based on the pronoun processing during sentence comprehension<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 19\" title=\"Osterhout, L. & Mobley, L. A. Event-related brain potentials elicited by failure to agree. J. Mem. Lang. 34739&ndash;773 (1995).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR19\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e525\">19<\/a><\/sup>. In contrast, the semantically-related N400 effect has been typically found for the semantic-pragmatic incongruences (e.g., \u201c<i>I am going to the night club<\/i>\u201d by child\u2019s voice<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 17\" title=\"Van Berkum, J. J., Van den Brink, D., Tesink, C. M., Kos, M. & Hagoort, P. The neural integration of speaker and message. J. Cogn. Neurosci. 20580&ndash;591 (2008).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR17\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e532\">17<\/a><\/sup>).<\/p>\n<p>Interestingly, these ERP effects offer support to two models of pragmatic language comprehension\u2014the standard, two-step model and the one-step model. The two-step model claims that listeners compute meaning first, in isolation, and that the communicative context is considered at the second stage (speaker\u2019s information, in particular<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 16\" title=\"Lattner, S. & Friederici, A. D. Talker\u2019s voice and gender stereotype in human auditory sentence processing-evidence from event-related brain potentials. Neurosci. Lett. 339191&ndash;194 (2003).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR16\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e539\">16<\/a>,<a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 20\" title=\"Fodor, J. A. The Modularity of Mind. (MIT press, 1983).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR20\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e542\">20<\/a><\/sup>), as reflected in the late P600 responses. More recent findings showed, however, that this pragmatic (extralinguistic) integration is likely happening in a single-step manner already during semantic processing, as reflected in the N400 effect<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 17\" title=\"Van Berkum, J. J., Van den Brink, D., Tesink, C. M., Kos, M. & Hagoort, P. The neural integration of speaker and message. J. Cogn. Neurosci. 20580&ndash;591 (2008).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR17\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e546\">17<\/a>,<a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 21\" title=\"Foucart, A. et al. Does the speaker matter? Online processing of semantic and pragmatic information in l2 speech comprehension. Neuropsychologia 75291&ndash;303 (2015).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR21\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e549\">21<\/a><\/sup>. Nevertheless, other studies also reported the overlap of both processing stages, showing an N400 effect elicited by expectation error and a late P600 effect for overall reanalysis of this expectation<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 22\" title=\"Baetens, K., Van der Cruyssen, L., Achtziger, A., Vandekerckhove, M. & Van Overwalle, F. N400 and lpp in spontaneous trait inferences. Brain Res. 1,418, 83&ndash;92 (2011).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR22\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e553\">22<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n<p>Understanding how gender information is integrated by the listeners is particularly important when one considers the differences in how different languages signal grammatical gender. In some languages, such as in English, Finnish or Mandarin, overt grammatical gender marking is almost completely absent. Many other languages, such as Slavic languages, explicitly mark grammatical gender in nouns, verbs, and adjectives, often in a complicated interdependent manner. Russian is one of such languages, offering an optimal testbed for investigating linguistic and extralinguistic gender integration. As far as we know, there is only one study addressing this question in a Slavic language: using Slovak, Hanul\u00edkov\u00e1 Carreiras<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 23\" title=\"Hanul\u00edkov\u00e1, A. & Carreiras, M. Electrophysiology of subject-verb agreement mediated by speakers\u2019 gender. Front. Psychol. 6, 1396 (2015).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR23\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e561\">23<\/a><\/sup> found that, during an active-listening task, the integration of speaker-related information and morphosyntactic information occurred rather late during complex sentence processing. Additionally, a conflict between the speaker\u2019s and the word\u2019s genders (e.g., \u201c<i>I\u2013<\/i> \\(stole_{MASC}\\) plums\u201d in female voice) was reflected in the modulation of the N400 component. Given that N400\/LAN modulations have been consistently found for morphosyntactic violations, in particular for number, person, and gender agreement, as well as in phrase structure violations (e.g.,<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 24\" title=\"Friederici, A. D. Towards a neural basis of auditory sentence processing. Trends Cogn. Sci. 6, 78&ndash;84 (2002).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR24\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e607\">24<\/a><\/sup>, see also for review<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 25\" title=\"Molinaro, N., Barber, H. A. & Carreiras, M. Grammatical agreement processing in reading: Erp findings and future directions. Cortex 47908&ndash;930 (2011).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR25\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e611\">25<\/a><\/sup>), this result may suggest that extralinguistic information is directly integrated during online (morpho)syntactic processing (such as speaker\u2019s sex converted into subject\u2019s gender in (morpho)syntactic processing). However, N400 is also known to be related to conscious top-down controlled integration of linguistic information<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 24\" title=\"Friederici, A. D. Towards a neural basis of auditory sentence processing. Trends Cogn. Sci. 6, 78&ndash;84 (2002).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR24\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e616\">24<\/a>,<a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 26\" title=\"Shtyrov, Y. Automaticity and attentional control in spoken language processing: Neurophysiological evidence. Ment. Lex. 5255&ndash;276 (2010).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR26\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e619\">26<\/a><\/sup>. Indeed, in the study described above, the participant\u2019s overt attention to the stimuli was required, and the effect generally appeared rather late in the comprehension processes. Thus, the question of whether such findings reflect the involvement of genuine online parsing mechanisms or secondary post-comprehension processes (such as repair and reanalysis<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 24\" title=\"Friederici, A. D. Towards a neural basis of auditory sentence processing. Trends Cogn. Sci. 6, 78&ndash;84 (2002).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR24\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e623\">24<\/a>,<a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 27\" title=\"Kutas, M. & Hillyard, S. A. Reading senseless sentences: Brain potentials reflect semantic incongruity. Science 207203&ndash;205 (1980).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR27\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e626\">27<\/a><\/sup>) still remains unsolved. Importantly, syntactic parsing has been shown to commence much earlier and to take place in a largely automatic fashion, as demonstrated in studies focused on early left-anterior negativity (ELAN) or syntactic MMN. In particular, ELAN modulation around 200 ms or earlier has been reported during outright violations of the obligatory structure, reflecting an automatic early analysis of the syntactic structure like phrase structure errors<sup><a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" title=\"Friederici, A. D., Pfeifer, E. & Hahne, A. Event-related brain potentials during natural speech processing: Effects of semantic, morphological and syntactic violations. Cogn. Brain Res. 1183&ndash;192 (1993).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR28\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e630\">28<\/a>,<a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" title=\"Hahne, A. & Friederici, A. D. Electrophysiological evidence for two steps in syntactic analysis: Early automatic and late controlled processes. J. Cogn. Neurosci. 11194&ndash;205 (1999).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR29\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e630_1\">29<\/a>,<a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" title=\"Hasting, A. S., Kotz, S. A. & Friederici, A. D. Setting the stage for automatic syntax processing: The mismatch negativity as an indicator of syntactic priming. J. Cogn. Neurosci. 19386&ndash;400 (2007).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR30\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e630_2\">30<\/a>,<a data-track=\"click\" data-track-action=\"reference anchor\" data-track-label=\"link\" data-test=\"citation-ref\" aria-label=\"Reference 31\" title=\"Neville, H., Nicol, J. L., Barss, A., Forster, K. I. & Garrett, M. F. Syntactically based sentence processing classes: Evidence from event-related brain potentials. J. Cogn. Neurosci. 3151&ndash;165 (1991).\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nature.com\/articles\/s41598-022-14478-2#ref-CR31\" id=\"ref-link-section-d10896374e633\">31<\/a><\/sup>, and it is considered to reflect the brain\u2019s response to the word category violations.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Other ERP studies have reported diverse neurophysiological responses to inconsistencies between the message meaning and the speaker\u2019s representation, typically manifest as a modulation of the N400 and\/or P600 components15,16,17. Different patterns of ERP results reported in these studies are likely related to the nature of the mismatch manipulations used. For instance, whereas the P600 component [\u2026]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":427,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[47,1901],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-146920","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-neuroscience","category-sex"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/146920","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/427"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=146920"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/146920\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=146920"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=146920"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lifeboat.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=146920"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}